South Asian Characterizations in American Popular Media

INTRODUCTION

Why are there so many Indians on TV all of a sudden?
–Nina Shen Rastogi (2010)
In June 2010, Rastogi pondered the above question in her article, “Beyond Apu: Why are there suddenly so many Indians on Television?” for the online magazine, Slate. The increasing number of Indians and South Asians… in American popular television has been hard not to notice.… For example, among TV Guide’s top 15 television shows of 2010 (the year Rastogi wrote this article); four had a South Asian character or actor—Community, Glee, The Good Wife, and Parks and Recreation. Since then, more characters have entered the fold—including those in such shows as The Big Bang Theory, Royal Pains, Outsourced, and The Mindy Project.
As Rastogi (2010) noted, the popularity of the 2008 film Slumdog Millionaire helped propel Indians to become a noteworthy ethnic group in popular media. These days, South Asian characters tend to be presented as the minority along- side majority-white characters. South Asians are also a good stand-in for Arab and Muslim characters in this post-9/11 reality of fear.…
Contemporary South Asian media characters tend to reflect the characteristics of one of the two South Asian demographic groups. In the 1960s and 1970s, highly educated South Asians were allowed to immigrate to the United States after the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act.… Soon after that, less educated family members of these immigrants arrived to the United States and worked in service positions, including behind the counters of convenience stores, franchises, and motels.… To date, there has been relatively little scholarship addressing the reasons behind this increasing trend of South Asian characters in the media and, more specifically, the ways in which these characters have been created, written, and produced. In this review, I discuss these representations by bridging the gaps between discussions in the fields of immigration studies, race/ethnicity studies, and critical media studies. In my discussion, I identify the concept of “(ethnic) characterization” and illustrate how studying the media representations of this ethnic group are in line with the concerns of sociology.…

SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRATION AND ASSIMILATION

The immigration and assimilation experiences of South Asians are relevant when understanding their influence on the representation of South Asians in American media. Those ethnic characteristics that media producers (and most Americans) know as “South Asian characteristics” will be used in the media characterization of these characters. This is evident in those media examples of South Asian characters that rely on overt stereotypes of this group, such as convenience store clerks or cab drivers. Thus, it is important to understand how South Asians, as a new and growing demographic, have assimilated in their new society and negotiated their own hyphenated-American identity.
Like all other immigrant and ethnic groups before them, Indians and South Asians have experienced an uphill battle in conceptualizing their identity in the United States and claiming their place in the American racial hierarchy. After President Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965 that allowed technical professionals from Asia to immigrate to the United States, most South Asians immigrated in order to achieve financial and professional success. Many were able to experience upward social mobility as a result of the educational capital they brought with them. Additionally, their success influenced the success of their children and proceeding generations.
Experiences of assimilation are particularly salient for the second-generation American born children of first-generation South Asian immigrants, many of whom are portrayed in American media, and also happen to be the actors of these media characters. As Alba and Nee (2003) argued, while immigrants of the late 20th century overall have equal chances for social success as compared to their non-immigrant counterparts, the experiences of these immigrants collectively are not always the same. Their experiences are influenced by the various forms of capital a particular first or second-generation immigrant possesses, and the extent to which that capital can be useful within economic and labor markets. These experiences of segmented assimilation explain not only differences in the social mobility of immigrant groups, but also the differences by individuals within an immigrant group.
Segmented assimilation, as it relates to the social mobility between first- generation parents and second-generation children is noteworthy for all post- 1965 South Asian immigrant families in the United States today (e.g. Alba and Nee 2003; Haller et al. 2011; Zhou and Xiong 2007). Additionally, it is important to note that the characterizations of South Asians in American media do not occur in a vacuum, but are informed in large part by the extent to which they assimilate into American society. However, traditional theories of assimilation fail to take into account the everyday experiences of racism that occur in the labor market and throughout society. These experiences inform the level at which ethnic groups can integrate into their new society, which in turn inform their acceptance by mainstream (white) Americans. Both dynamics are influenced by ideologies inherent in the pre-existing U.S. racial hierarchy.

THE RACIALIZATION OF SOUTHASIANS

In the history of the United States, race relations have been fluid in order to serve particular political or social interests. The extent to which immigrants are able to assimilate into mainstream American culture will influence their place within the American racial hierarchy. Their place within the American racial hierarchy will also determine their social success in American society. As I argue, racial perceptions play a significant role in the characterization of South Asians in the media.
Some contemporary race scholars have argued that the U.S. racial hierarchy is developing into a three-tiered system consisting of Whites at the top, Blacks at the bottom, and (South) Asians as honorary Whites in the middle (Bonilla-Silva 2004; Feagin 2001; Kim 1999). As Kim (1999) argued, Asian Americans are tri- angulated between Blacks and Whites in terms of perceived superiority but out- side of both groups for their perceived foreignness. Tuan (1999) identified these physical differences as the “forever foreigner” syndrome that Asians in the United States are subjected to regardless of their immigrant or citizenship status. However, as Bonilla-Silva (2004) argued, light skin tone and high class can help “whiten” the position and experiences of South Asians in the United States. These dynamics are particularly influential when considering the “types” of South Asian characters found in American popular media.
Historically, immigrants and racial minorities (including South Asians) have been subjected to a fluid racial hierarchy in the United States. As Omi and Winant (1994) suggested, these racial formations are the result of social, political, and economic forces that determine the social status of racial and ethnic minorities. These statuses have formed over time and are dependent on various social and historical circumstances. Examples of such racial formations include every- thing from Jim Crow slavery to changes in immigration policy.
Racial formations are further influenced by the level of racialization that immigrants and minorities experience. Racialization is a process by which individuals are categorized into racial groups based on their physical appearance. Additionally, these racial categorizations are then used as units of analysis to explain social relations.… Bonilla-Silva (1997) develops upon the idea of racialization in his racialized social systems theory, which supposes that political, economic, and social structures are dependent on a racialized society and the racialization of individuals into it.

… The racialization of Indian and South Asian Americans tends to be a negative process, specifically through the perpetuation of those negative stereo-types and assumptions associated with this group.… While slavery and Jim Crow shaped the racialization of African-Americans in the United States, immigration and legislative policy have shaped the racialization of South Asians and deter- mined the extent to which they compare to Whites in America.… Contemporary ideologies, including the post-9/11 rhetoric in America and the global West, have contributed to a racialization of South Asians that portray them in popular media as foreigners and “others.” These dynamics are further intersected by overt racialized perceptions that use obvious differences in skin color, religion, and ethnicity as markers of difference.…
… Whites “commit” racialization of South Asians through the negative, stereotypical, and secondary ways in which they perceive them. Not only are they seen as “others” in American society, but they are also, seen as “less than” in the American racial hierarchy.… Racialization exists separate from the segmented assimilation based on skin color and class to which South Asians are subjected. Racialization is a process imposed upon all Indians and South Asians as another way to maintain the perceptions of this group as outside of American norms. As Kibria (1998) suggested, the development of such hyphenated umbrella identities as “South Asian American” is a result of racialization and these racialized experiences.
South Asian media characterizations are informed by the degree at which South Asians are racialized in society. This is evident in the examples of South Asian characters that are characterized solely around overt stereotypes. As I argue in the next section, these stereotypes not only serve the purpose of maintaining the perception of South Asians as foreigners in society, but are used consciously by media producers in their characterizations and ultimately reflect how South Asians are already perceived in the United States.

SOUTHASIAN CHARACTERIZATIONS IN AMERICAN POPULAR MEDIA AND SOCIETY
Racial and ethnic minorities have historically been stereotyped in American popular media.… While these representations have generally improved in recent years, insofar as there are significantly fewer examples of overt stereotypes, reflections of covert and subtle stereotypes remain. As I argue, the characterization of South Asians and other minorities in the media is informed by an intentional characterization that is dependent in large part on the racial ideologies that are reproduced in the representations. This is evident in the historical trajectory of South Asian characterizations in American popular media.
South Asian media characters began appearing sporadically in films through- out the 20th century.… These early examples generally consisted of savage Indians in India who were defeated by the White star and savior (e.g. Vera and Gordon 2003). What was unique about these early representations was the location of the story itself—most were represented as Indians in India. During the 1980s, Indian and South Asian characters began appearing sporadically as tertiary or non-speaking characters cast in an American, usually urban, environment. Examples of representations included the generic and stereotypical cab driver, convenient store owner, and high-achieving student.
On the one hand, this stereotype of South Asians as a low-level service employee runs counter to the historical realities of South Asian demographics in the United States. Immigrants who arrived from South Asia in the 1960s and 1970s were highly educated.… [Eighty-three percent] of Indian immigrants between 1966 and 1977 had backgrounds in the STEM fields, including approximately 20,000 science PhDs, 40,000 engineers, and 25,000 physicians. However, after these early migrants and their immediate families were settled, many chose to invest in franchises and small businesses, including fast food stores, convenience store, and motels.… Once these businesses became established, Indian American owners took advantage of family reunification immigration policies of the 1970s and 1980s to bring over relatives to work for them. As more and more extended family members were able to settle in the United States, these individuals with few skills took other blue collar jobs working in factories or driving taxi cabs.
Media producers in positions to create media characterizations do so based on their personal experiences. While they may have been less likely to run into South Asians who were scientists, professors, or even doctors, they were more likely to run into South Asians who were behind the counter of a local convenience store or driving their cab in an urban city. Additionally, such representations proved useful to them in the context of the stories they were producing—well-to-do White American characters encountering bumbling, foreign, South Asian immigrants working in jobs most identifiable to viewers, often with ensuing hilarity. These stereotypes proved useful for the story and for the characterization of South Asian characters. As critical media studies scholars argue, White media executives have total control over the major media outlets and consciously reproduce upper class ideologies, which in turn subjugate racial minorities.…
In the early 21st century, there were more noteworthy examples of Indian and South Asian media characters that were cast in such roles as highly skilled scientists or medical professionals. It is difficult to identify what led to this change, but it is likely due to the increased awareness of the high economic capital possessed by South Asian Americans, thus identifying them as a group to be coveted by advertisers (the financiers of network television). These new representations were more in line with the “model minority” stereotype, which was originally used in the 1960s to characterize East Asians in the United States.… While it is assumed that the model minority stereotype is a positive one, many scholars have identified its problematic nature. The assumption that Asian Americans are the model minority presupposes that they experience no discrimination in the United States. In fact, South Asians are subjected to the same discriminatory experiences of not being White as are other ethnic minorities in the United States.
One key example of such discrimination is through skin tone, particularly for women. All women of color deal with hegemonic skin tone ideologies in their racial/ethnic communities, with lighter skin tone and Caucasian facial features considered more appealing and attractive.… These same beauty ideals are also reproduced in the media.… This is evident in the examples of South Asian women in the media, particularly those created and cast by White, American producers.… As media producers favor casting women who are attractive, so too do the same media producers favor casting women of color who are attractive in terms of their proximity to White physical characteristics. Not only is this another reproduction of hegemonic ideology that favors one particular type of physical appearance over others, but it creates a social assumption around what an attractive South Asian can “look like.”

CONC LU SION

… It is important to acknowledge a few points. First, ethnic media characterizations are intentional decisions made by media producers. These characterizations reflect hegemonic ideologies and also reproduce commonly understood stereo- types. These stereotypes are the by-products of the U.S. racial hierarchy. The racial hierarchy in turn is developed alongside immigration and assimilation trends, which further determine the qualities that an individual needs to become “American.” All of these dynamics inform and influence 21st century representations in American popular media.…

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